The Snowden Files: The Inside
Story of the World’s Most Wanted Man”
By Luke Harding
Vintage Books, 2014
Murray Polner is a regular book
reviewer for HNN.
In the first of what will certainly be many books about Edward Snowden’s stunning
revelations of NSA’s domestic and foreign spying, Luke Harding, the British Guardian’s foreign correspondent and
co-author with David Leigh of Wikileaks:
Inside Julian Assange’s War on Secrecy and Mafia State: How One Reporter Became an Enemy of the Brutal New Russia,
is out first with his wide-ranging and quite readable Eric Ambler/Graham
Greene/John Le Carre -style book.
In it, Harding details what happened and perhaps even why—or at least
what we know thus far-- about Edward Snowden. He introduces the reader to the
journalist and lawyer Glenn Greenwald, who published the first article about
Snowden’s material in the Guardian, the
British newspaper, Laura Poitras the documentary filmmaker of My Country My Country, about the impact
of America’s invasion on an Iraqi doctor, and who has by her own account been detained and questioned and her
possessions taken about forty times by agents of the Department of Homeland
Security, and Ewen MacAskill, the Guardian’s
veteran reporter.
They all met Snowden for the first time in a Hong
Kong hotel room and then
helped broadcast his disclosures to the world.
Harding also spends time on his newspaper’s determination to publish the
story despite the c Conservative government’s threats and harassment and its destruction
of the newspaper’s hard drives. He illustrates how British spymasters,
operating in a country without First Amendment protection or a Constitution,
genuflected before their Washington masters because Uncle Sam paid their bills,
or as one cynic at GCHQ-- the British successor to M-15-- told Harding, “We
have the brains, they have the money.” He also portrays US pressures not to
publish on the Guardian’s NY editor, the hard-driving Janine Gibson and her very
small but computer-savvy staff, and describes her dread lest the material in
her possession might be stolen before portions appeared, as they later did, in the New York Times, Washington
Post and Der Spiegel..
The Snowden Files is replete with once- obscure, secret NSA code names
such as UPSTREAM, which allowed the NSA “direct access to the fiber-optic
cables carrying internet and telephone data, out of and around the US,” and
Snowden’s biggest catch thus far, the top-secret PRISM, which gives the vast US
number of post-9/11 intelligence agencies access to virtually anything it needs
and wants. NSA’s stated mission is to guard the country’s most secret military
and computer networks, especially from Russia
and China.
which the US
has repeatedly charged with cyber spying. No wonder so many in Washington would love to
bring him home to stand trial and take the consequences, which could involve a
lengthy prison sentence.
Snowden, who never graduated from high school, was a libertarian and to
Harding, “a thoughtful conservative” who voted for Ron Paul in 2008, admired John
McCain, opposed gun control and backed the Free Tibet movement. The son of a veteran Coast Guard officer, Snowden
joined the US
army but was honorably discharged after breaking his legs in a training
exercise. He then joined the CIA, quit, and for three years worked for the NSA in Switzerland,
then on to Japan, and finally for the private contractor Booze Allen Hamilton
in Hawaii, where he had the right to use
unencrypted files, which included German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s personal
and official communications.
Living with his longtime girlfriend in Hawaii and earning $122,000 a year might
mean for most an idyllic and satisfying life, but Harding says Snowden developed a conscience when he learned
what the NSA was up to. “They [the NSA] are intent in making every conversation
and every form of behavior in the world known to them,” he said, and reached
the conclusion that no-one in positions of authority, either in the second Bush
or Obama administrations, ever raised any questions or challenged the
indiscriminate collection of data. By the time Snowden left Japan in 2012,
Harding says “Snowden was a whistleblower in waiting.” Actually, in 1975 a somewhat similar, if less earth-shattering event occurred when the intrepid investigative
reporter Seymour Hersh discovered that
the CIA, was engaged in illegal domestic
spying on Americans, for which he was damned until he was proven correct.
After releasing the first wave of documents implicating NSA’s wholesale
snooping, and obviously fearing arrest, Snowden flew to Hong Kong,
where, writes Harding, a “mysterious
guardian angel” protected him, person still unknown. It was in that Hong Kong hotel room that Greenwald, Poitras and MacAskill
gathered to hear his story. It is a mystery to Harding and everyone else who
has written about the case why the US didn’t do anything to apprehend Snowden since it was no secret that he was registered
at the Mira Hotel in his own name, used
his own credit card, and wandered freely through the city.
In that hotel room, the trio “felt they were involved in a joint endeavor
of high public importance” especially
after Snowden handed them another bombshell: The top-secret Presidential Policy
Directive 20, dated October 2012, in which Obama secretly ordered his senior
national security and intelligence officials to create a listing of possible foreign
targets for US cyber attacks. “Not defense, insists Harding, but “attacks.”
This in the face of repeated public US complaints of Chinese cyber
attacks.
By then, Snowden had become Public Enemy No. 1, and he fled Hong Kong,
first to authoritarian Beijing and finally to
Putin’s equally authoritarian Russia,
where he remains because of US pressure on countries willing to accept him.
Harding relates how leftist Bolivian president Evo Mirales’ plane, en route from Moscow to
Bolivia, was forced to land in Britain, without a doubt a violation of diplomatic immunity, and where Morales
and his staff were held for fifteen hours because of unsubstantiated buzz that Snowden
was aboard.
The Snowden Files is not hagiography and Harding, smarting from the
harsh treatment accorded his paper his newspaper – the Guardian’s Editor-in-chief, Alan Rusbridger, wrote a Foreword to
the book-- has few kind words for
Britain’s’security forces. He is, though, obviously sympathetic to Snowden and
to some extent the imprisoned Chelsea Manning, though far less so to
Wikileaks’Julian Assange, the original mass leaker. 147 Nor does he believe
that Snowden is anyone’s foreign agent as Republican Rep. Mike Rogers, the
chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, keeps alleging without thus far offering any
evidence. In a page one story on February 9, 2014 the New
YorkTimes reported, “Investigators have found no evidence that Snowden’s
searches were directed by a foreign power.” According to Harding, Snowden
believes the White House’s campaign to criminalize his behavior and pile on
felony charges is an injustice. He's offered to say as much before the US Congress—if they would let him.
332 check quotes
What Snowden did was force open a vital and necessary debate about the
tensions between the demands of national security and civil liberties, between the
rights accorded a powerful if barely understood federal, mysterious agency and
the American belief in privacy as enshrined in our Constitution’s Fourth
Amendment. Snowden’s critics claim he compromised American national security by
revealing highly classified information. Secretary of State John Kerry called
him “a traitor to his county,” perhaps forgetting that he was once falsely targeted as a liar
about his experiences in Vietnam.
So is Snowden just another Benedict
Arnold or is he doomed to become Edward
Everett Hale’s “The Man Without a Country,” the story of the fictional army Lt.
Philip Nolan, who was sentenced to spend the remainder of his life in exile,
never again allowed to set foot on
American soil.
Future authors will have to grapple with what now seem like intractable
questions. In our ever-innovating, constantly- changing digital world that
Snowden has opened to Americans, we need to wonder how best to defend the
country if everyone else has the same or
even more advanced computer weapons. We need to know if Snowden—and Chelsea Manning
too-- actually harmed the military or is this just another fable conjured up by
NSA's defenders? More questions for
future authors: Is there any way the huge
phone and internet firms can protect our privacy? Is there perhaps a yet to be
discovered alchemy out there which can safely mix defense with civil liberties?
Are journalists accountable to the
government for reporting leakers and whistleblowers’ materials? Will Congress
and some future administration do the
right thing? And what is the “right thing”? And then, to what extent will all
this seriously taint Obama’s presidential
legacy?
The battle continues. Glenn Greenwald and Barton Gellman of the Washington Post will be out with their
books in the Spring. And, meanwhile, is
Edward Snowden a whistle blowing hero or a traitor?
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